Tuesday, November 13, 2007

Cameron's speech on sexual violence...

1:34 PM | Comments (3)

Following Trevor Phillips warm words for David Cameron's immigration speech a couple of weeks ago (however quickly undermined they were by that idiot Hastilow), it'll be interesting to see if his speech to the Conservative Woman's Organisation yesterday on rape and sexual violence will be similarly commended by victim support organisations and those campaigning for improvements to rape convictions - it certainly deserves to be.

Cameron identified three areas where significant improvements are needed - convictions and sentencing, victim support and cultural change. In today's Guardian Beatrix Campbell takes a slightly partisan pop at Cameron (really just for the order he put these in) but does point out that addressing the cultural aspects of this phenomenon are far more important (and difficult) than addressing sentencing policy or victim support issues. One aspect of this debate that's often subject to the wrong sort of attention is the nature of the victims dress and / or behaviour prior to the attack.

Although progress has been made in this area Cameron cites some horrifying statistics and a particularly depressing story to demonstrate that the misogynistic attitudes that used to characterise any discussion of rape haven't yet disappeared. Lindsay Armstrong was driven to suicide after being subjected to a brutal cross-examination including discussion of the underwear she was wearing at the time of the attack. An Amnesty International study found one in four think it is acceptable for a boy to 'expect to have sex with a girl' if the girl has been 'very flirtatious'. Cameron's 'moral collapse' theme may be a bit extreme but for anyone trying to address sexual violence these are worrying statistics. I don't have the legal experience to frame this argument properly but to my mind everything possible should be done to prevent lawyers (usually male) from using the victims dress and/or behaviour to muddy the waters over responsibility for the attack. When stories like the one Cameron cites become public knowledge, the would-be rapist is effectively supplied with a victim profile, a set of characteristics that say - 'attack this woman and your chances of escaping justice are improved'. The legal system needs to find a way not only of making dress / behaviour immaterial to the crime but to do so publicly.

The difficulty however is that the legal standing we should accord these things (i.e. none) is different to the common sense, every-day outlook that most women probably adopt and most parents urge on their daughters. How do we resolve the tension between removing any legal defence built on a woman's dress or behaviour while at the same time recognising that these factors clearly have some impact on the likelihood of being the victim of an attack? In the past people who have simply tried to point this out have been labelled sexist (or worse) in the mistaken belief that they're attributing some sort of blame for the attack to the victim. We need to find a way to make the law clear and unambiguous without eroding common sense.

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Wednesday, October 24, 2007

On the abortion time limit...

4:57 AM | Comments (4)

Dawn Primarolo will be questioned today by the Commons Science & Technology Committee over medical advances since the Abortion Act in 1967 and the impact these may have on the termination limit. Among others (Nadine Dorries) the Pro-Life Alliance are arguing for a reduction in the limit from 24 weeks to 20 weeks while the BMA and RCOG think the limit should stay.

Abortion is one of those topics that tend to get discussed in the abstract and at the extremes, effectively avoiding the complex reality that legislators actually have to deal with on the issue. The casual ‘pub’ debates generally revolve around the legitimacy of terminations by women who have been the victim of a sexual attack (where a vast majority agree) contrasted with those who appear to treat an abortion as little more than another contraceptive option (where the majority become less tolerant). This polarisation just distorts the issue and adopting positions built on either of those extremes is easy but ultimately fruitless - it certainly doesn't help us arrive at a solution that addresses them all. The other thing that tends to influence the debate is personal experience. Those without children or experience of pregnancy will argue in the abstract since in effect they can do little else. Those with children, whatever their previous thoughts, will at least acknowledge that it’s a far more complex issue in reality than it appears in the abstract.

As with most things I’m deeply hostile to the absolutist position. For women who have been the victim of a sexual attack or whose life would be threatened by a full-term pregnancy abortion is justified and we should have some provision for it. Opposition to terminations under these circumstances can only be ideological in nature and like most situations where people elevate theory above outcome it's cruel and inhuman and no civilised society should tolerate it. The problem then is that if we restricted abortion to these situations (something which is actually very difficult to do in law) then back-street terminations for less extreme situations would simply soar. Tony Blair once said:
‘every abortion is a tragedy but that doesn’t mean it should be prohibited'
and however distasteful the thought of people being neglectful of their contraceptive responsibilities simply because they have another ‘option’ is, it happens and any legislation has to be understood in that context.

On balance I think we should at least review the limit. This isn't because I have any expertise on foetal sentience or viability (I haven’t) - it's just that in the spirit of the quote from Blair above we should recognise the gravity of the act this law permits and make sure we take account of changes in medical science, social awareness of sexual health / contraceptive issues etc. There is also precedent of course since the original act had a limit of 28 weeks which was reduced to 24 in 1990. And the whole debate needs to be framed against the numbers of women seeking abortions over this timeline - I don't have the figures to hand but the number of abortions that actually take place beyond 16/18 weeks is very small which curiously is a fact both sides in the debate deploy in support of their position.

Quick final personal observation. My wife and I had out first child in summer '06 and by the time Joseph was 24 weeks (the current legal limit) we’d had a couple of scans and seen little fingers & toes, started buying clothes etc. The notion that up until this stage someone should still be in a position ‘choose a termination’ just sits very uneasy with me and while I realise that’s not a very specific or reasoned objection it’s something that, as I mentioned above, I suspect most parents would understand. For that reason it seems at least reasonable for MP’s to discuss the time limit issue since well before even the 20 weeks now being proposed the vast majority of people have had more than enough time to make a decision, difficult though it may be.

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